Ενδιαφεροντα αρθρα Ψυχολογιας

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

 

Επίσης, Τοξοβολε, αυτον εδω τον γνωριζεις?

 

Αθανάσιος Καφκαλίδης

 

Αν οχι, ψαξτον διεξοδικα, εχει πολυ ενδιαφερον

 

Ενδεχομενος να εχει ενδιαφερον,οταν βλεπω ομως οτι μου εμφανιζει αρθρο για το treatment της Ομοφυλοφιλιας απο το 1966 ειναι λιγο να μπαινεις σε σκεψεις.Απο την αλλη δικαιολογηται ως εναν βαθμο μιας κ το 1966 η ομοφυλοφιλια δεν ειχε αφαιρεθει απο την λιστα των διαταραχων κ η ερευνα πηγαινε προς ολες τις κατευθυνσεις.

[-nick-]

Ενδεχομενος να εχει ενδιαφερον,οταν βλεπω ομως οτι μου εμφανιζει αρθρο για το treatment της Ομοφυλοφιλιας απο το 1966 ειναι λιγο να μπαινεις σε σκεψεις.Απο την αλλη δικαιολογηται ως εναν βαθμο μιας κ το 1966 η ομοφυλοφιλια δεν ειχε αφαιρεθει απο την λιστα των διαταραχων.

 

Μην αφησεις αυτο να σε προκαταβαλει. Ο τυπος ηταν απο τους πρωτους που μιλησε - σιγουρα απο τους πρωτους που εκανε τοσο αναλυτικη ερευνα - για τις ενδομητριες/προγεννητικες μνημες.

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

Μην αφησεις αυτο να σε προκαταβαλει. Ο τυπος ηταν απο τους πρωτους που μιλησε - σιγουρα απο τους πρωτους που εκανε τοσο αναλυτικη ερευνα - για τις ενδομητριες/προγεννητικες μνημες.

 

κ για τις επιδρασεις ναρκωτικων ουσιων στην Ψυχοθεραπεια μεταξυ αλλων απο οτι βλεπω

[-nick-]

ψυχοτροπων , οχι ναρκωτικων

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

ψυχοτροπων , οχι ναρκωτικων

 

κ ειναι η δευτερη φορα που εγειρεις το θεμα ορολογιας,να υποθεσω λογο της αρνητικης φορτισης του ορου ''ναρκωτικο'' οπως αυτος εχει επικρατησει σημερα?

σε καθε περιπτωση νομιζω καταλαβαινεις τι εννοω.

[-nick-]

Οχι μονο για αυτο, αλλα επειδη ναρκωτικο παραπεμπει σε ουσιες που ναρκωνουν (ηρωινη,μορφινη,γενικοτερα οπιοειδη και ηρεμιστικα/βενζοδιαζεπινες)...σε παραπέμπτω και εδώ

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

Οχι μονο για αυτο, αλλα επειδη ναρκωτικο παραπεμπει σε ουσιες που ναρκωνουν (ηρωινη,μορφινη,γενικοτερα οπιοειδη και ηρεμιστικα/βενζοδιαζεπινες)...

 

Με ψυχοτροπη δραση ολες οι παραπανω.Απλα στα Ελληνικα εχει επικρατησει το τσουβαλιασμα ''ναρκωτικο'' απο κανναβη μεχρι ηρωινη εξου κ το slip μου.

[-nick-]

^ Ακριβώς

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

Κ αλλο ενα ωραιο παραδοξο απο αυτα που μου εστειλε σημερα ο Βρετανικος Ψυχολογικος Συλλογος.

 

How losing can increase your chances of winning

 

 

 

 

When is losing the route to winning? When you're losing by just a little. That's according to Jonah Berger and Devin Pope who think the paradoxical effect works because losing by a whisker is highly motivating.

 

Berger and Pope began by studying over 18,000 NBA basketball games. Specifically they compared half-time scores with final results. Much of the data was as you'd expect - the further in the lead a team was at half time, the more likely they were to win the game, and vice versa for teams losing at half time. In fact, there was a reliable pattern - for every two points a team was in the lead at half time, they were six to eight per cent more likely to win out at the end.

 

But there was also a clear blip in the data. Teams that were behind by one point at half time were actually more likely to end up winning than teams that were ahead by one point. Compared against the larger trend, teams behind by one point were approximately six per cent more likely to win than you'd expect - an effect about half the size of the benefit of playing at home. The researchers don't think it has to do with coaches changing strategy or giving inspiring half-time talks: the 'losing leading to winning' effect was no greater among teams with more successful coaches. Rather, Berger and Pope think the effect is purely to do with the motivating influence of being just a bit behind.

 

The pair tested this idea with a simple lab task. Participants tapped two keyboard keys alternately as fast as they could for thirty seconds in a race against a partner. Then there was a pause in which they were given false performance feedback: told they were far behind their partner, just behind, tied, just ahead, or given no feedback. The 30-second key-tapping was then repeated. The result was striking. Those participants told they were just behind increased their effort in the second phase far more than all the other participants.

 

A final study was identical except that the researchers also measured the participants' self-efficacy - that is, their belief in their ability to succeed. The just-behind benefit was replicated and for these participants only, self-efficacy made a big difference. That is, participants told they were just-behind at half-time and who had high self-efficacy were the ones who most increased their effort in the second phase. Losing by a whisker is highly motivating it seems, especially for those who believe they can do something about it.

 

Berger and Pope think their findings have real-life implications, in business as well as in sport. 'Managers trying to encourage employees to work harder, for example, might provide feedback about how a person is doing relative to a slightly better performer,' they said. 'Strategically scheduling breaks when someone is behind should also help focus people on the deficit and subsequently increase effort. This should lead to stronger performance and ultimately success.'

_________________________________

 

Berger, J., and Pope, D. (2011). Can Losing Lead to Winning? Management Science

[alan2]

ενα διαφορετικό ερώτημα.

Τί πρέπει να έχει ένας άνθρωπος για να είναι κοινωνικός, να μπορεί δηλαδή να κάνει σχέσεις?

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

ενα διαφορετικό ερώτημα.

Τί πρέπει να έχει ένας άνθρωπος για να είναι κοινωνικός, να μπορεί δηλαδή να κάνει σχέσεις?

 

 

Νομιζω ανοιγεις θεμα που ειναι πολυ ευρυ κ δυσκολα να προσεγγιστει επιφανειακα σε ενα νημα.

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

Eνδιαφερον αρθρο για πυροσβεστικη αντιμετωπιση αιφνιδιου ψυχωσικου επεισοδιου.Να προσθεσω οτι οι παρακατω συμβουλες δυναται να εφαρμοστουν και σε ατομα που εμφανιζουν ψυχωσικο επεισοδιο πρωτη φορα στην ζωη τους ανεξαρτητα απο το εαν στην πορεια εχουμε διαγνωση σχιζοφρενειας.Στις περιπτωσεις βραχεως ψυχωσικου επεισοδιου ενδεχεται να αντιμετωπισετε εναν ανθρωπο ιδιαιτερα φοβισμενο ειδικα στην αρχη του επεισοδιου.Συμπληρωματικα να πω οτι καλο θα ηταν επισης να μην ερχεστε σε διαλογο με τον ανθρωπο που βιωνει το επειδοσιο, στην περιπτωση που εκεινος σας ζητησει να μιλησετε για την φυση των εμβοων η των οπτικων παραισθησεων του αλλα προτιμηστε συντομη,απλη κ ουδετερη επικοινωνια μεχρι να ερθει η βοηθεια.

 

Psychology Blog

 

Σχιζοφρένεια: Πώς μπορείτε να βοηθήσετε σε φάση οξέως ψυχωσικού επεισοδίου

 

 

 

Καθίστε κοντά του, μιλήστε αργά και καθαρά με ήσυχη φωνή. Να χρησιμοποιείτε απλές και σύντομες προτάσεις για να αποφεύγετε η σύγχυση. Μην τον απειλείτε και μη φωνάζετε.

Χρειάζεται να διασφαλιστεί σ’ αυτόν που πάσχει ένα σταθερό, ήρεμο και ασφαλές περιβάλλον.

Κλείστε άλλες πηγές θορύβου όπως η τηλεόραση και το ραδιόφωνο.

Αποφύγετε να τον αγγίζετε για να μην αισθάνεται κίνδυνο.

Μην έρχεστε πολύ κοντά του και εάν κάθεται μη στέκεστε από πάνω του, καθίστε και εσείς. Αφήστε στον ασθενή αρκετό χώρο στο δωμάτιο ώστε να μην αισθάνεται ότι απειλείται.

Αποφύγετε συνεχή επαφή με τα μάτια του και μην του φράζετε τις εξόδους από το δωμάτιο. Είναι προτιμότερο να σταθείτε ανάμεσα σε εκείνον και την πόρτα.

Είναι σημαντικό να αισθάνεστε εμπιστοσύνη στον εαυτό σας και να μην επηρεάζεστε από εκείνον ή να φοβάστε όπως εκείνος.

Κατανοήστε ότι ο ασθενής μπορεί να είναι όσο και εσείς τρομαγμένος από τη συμπεριφορά του.

Ο υπερβολικός συναισθηματισμός σας μπορεί να ταράξει ακόμα περισσότερο τον ασθενή.

Έχετε πρόχειρα τα τηλέφωνα του ψυχιάτρου και του νοσοκομείου στο οποίο θα μπορούσε να εισαχθεί. Να γνωρίζετε ποιοί συγγενείς ή άλλα πρόσωπα μπορούν να σας βοηθήσουν τα οποία ο ασθενής εμπιστεύεται.

Σε περίπτωση κρίσης μπορεί να χρειαστεί ιατρική βοήθεια το συντομότερο δυνατόν και εισαγωγή στο νοσοκομείο. Στην περίπτωση που χρειαστεί εισαγωγή σε κάποια ψυχιατρική κλινική θυμηθείτε ότι μπορεί να γίνει με τη θέληση του ή και χωρίς τη θέληση του όταν αυτό κρίνεται απαραίτητο.

Όταν δεν υπάρχει καμία επικοινωνία και ο ασθενής είναι βίαιος, ζητήστε τη βοήθεια της αστυνομίας. Η αστυνομία θα επέμβει εφόσον υπάρχει εντολή από την εισαγγελική αρχή της περιοχής σας. Επειδή αυτός ο τρόπος είναι τραυματικός για τον ασθενή, καταφύγετε σ’ αυτόν μόνο σε εξαιρετικές περιπτώσεις. Η εισαγωγή σε κάποια ψυχιατρική κλινική σημαίνει ότι ο ασθενής μπορεί να βλάψει τον εαυτό του ή άλλους και για αυτό είναι προς όφελός του.

Ολ’ αυτά είναι πιο εύκολα εάν εκ των προτέρων έχετε πάρει πληροφορίες από το ψυχίατρο, σε σχέση με τη συμπεριφορά που θα πρέπει να έχετε για να τον βοηθήσετε.

 

Όσο περισσότερο διατηρείτε τον έλεγχο των αντιδράσεων σας τόσο καλύτερα θα μπορέσετε να ανταποκριθείτε και να βοηθήσετε το συγγενή σας.

 

Ας μην ξεχνάμε ότι πρόκειται για μια σοβαρή ασθένεια όπου, στις φάσεις κρίσης, ο ασθενής χάνει τον έλεγχο του εαυτού του και χρειάζεται τη βοήθεια σας.

 

Δρ Άρτεμις Ξανθάκη: Κλινικός Ψυχολόγος DPsych

 

Συμβουλευτική Ψυχολόγος – Ψυχοθεραπεύτρια

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

Αυτο μου το εστειλε σημερα ο Βρετανικος Ψυχολογικος Συλλογος

 

 

Is it time to rethink the way university lectures are delivered?

 

A more interactive, discussion- and quiz-based style of university teaching brings dramatic benefits to science learning, according to a new study. The interactive approach takes its inspiration from psychologist Anders Ericsson's theory of "deliberate practice", a highly motivated and thorough form of learning.

 

Louis Deslauriers, Ellen Schelew and Carl Wieman parachuted into a physics course on week 12 and for half the year group (271 students) took over their three hours of lectures that week devoted to electromagnetic waves. A control group of 267 students were lectured by their usual, highly rated and energetic teacher following a conventional format (i.e. the students mostly sat and listened while he lectured). Both groups were set the same learning objectives.

 

Before the intervention, both groups had spent eleven weeks on the same course, albeit with different lecturers, and they were matched on mid-term exam performance and their engagement with, and attitudes to, class.

 

For the crucial week 12 lectures, the intervention students were led by Deslauriers and Schelew (both of whom have fairly limited teaching experience) and took part in a series of discussions in small groups, group tasks, quizzes on pre-class reading, clicker questions (each student answers questions using an electronic device that feeds their answers back to the teacher), and instructor feedback. There was no formal lecturing. The aim, according to the authors, was:

 

"...to have the students spend all their time in class engaged in deliberate practice at 'thinking scientifically' in the form of making and testing predictions and arguments about the relevant topics, solving problems, and critiquing their own reasoning and that of others."

 

The control group students had their usual lectures, covering the same material as the intervention students and they were given the same pre-class reading. Student engagement (measured by trained observers) and attendance in the control group was unchanged in week 12 compared with earlier weeks. In the intervention group, attendance rose by 20 per cent and engagement nearly doubled.

 

In the first class after week 12, both groups were tested on what they'd learned in the previous week about electromagnetic waves. Also, two days before the test, students in both classes were emailed all the materials used by the intervention group: the clicker questions, group tasks and their solutions. The results on the test were striking. The intervention group averaged 74 per cent correct, compared with 41 per cent correct in the control group. Factoring out the performance that could be achieved purely through guessing, the researchers said this meant the intervention group had performed twice as well as controls (the effect size was 2.5 standard deviations). Student feedback on the intervention was also overwhelmingly positive: 90 per cent of students said they'd enjoyed the interactive technique.

 

The researchers dismissed the idea that their findings could be explained by the Hawthorne Effect (i.e. a mere effect of novelty or of being observed). "While this experiment is introducing change in the student experience in one particular course (3 total hours per week) it provides little incremental novelty to their overall daily educational experience," they said.

 

The researchers concluded: "We show that use of deliberate practice teaching strategies can improve both learning and engagement in a large laboratory physics course as compared with what was obtained with the lecture method ... This result is likely to generalise to a variety of postsecondary courses."

_________________________________

 

Deslauriers, L., Schelew, E., and Wieman, C. (2011). Improved Learning in a Large-Enrollment Physics Class. Science, 332 (6031), 862-864

[Τοξοβολος_UK]

Απο τα ελευθερα του Βρετανικου Ψυχολογικου Συλλογου που μπορεσα να βρω για να απαντησει καποιες ερωτησεις που εχουν ενδεχομενως χρηστες του φορουμ για την Ψυχολογια κ την Θρησκεια.

 

 

ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΨΥΧΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΣ ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΣ-THE PSYCHOLOGIST

 

 

Psychology, religion and spirituality

 

Religion, if nothing else, is a profoundly human phenomenon, and therefore amenable to study by psychologists. In his 2002 article for The Psychologist, Michael Argyle proposed treating religious faith as an attitude – something with cognitive, behavioural and emotional components, and he strongly emphasised the social dimension of all of these. In the last five years one aspect of religious cognition – belief in God – has come under unparalleled scrutiny (Wolf, 2006). In his 2006 polemical book The God Delusion Richard Dawkins questioned why intelligent human beings persist in holding beliefs that are seemingly irrational or inconsistent with empirical evidence.

 

As any cognitive therapist will recognise, this is at its heart a psychological question, and Dawkins indeed draws heavily on the relatively new field of cognitive science of religion (see the article by Justin Barrett and Emily Reed Burdett on p.252) to inform his answer. The ensuing debate continues to fascinate and divide public opinion. Psychologists have the potential to make a positive contribution to this debate by clarifying some of the basic conceptual assumptions, carrying out good empirical research, disseminating it effectively and, perhaps most of all, by ensuring that it is interpreted appropriately on all sides.

 

Turning to religious behaviour, it is regrettable but understandable that religious violence, including hate crimes against religious groups, has captured the attention of the press and government agencies. It was in this context that the AHRC/ESRC ‘Religion and Society Programme’ was launched in 2007. This initiative supports interdisciplinary research in the arts, humanities and social sciences aimed at better understanding the complexities of interaction between belief, culture and society, with a view to informing social policy in this area. In its first phase alone it was responsible for over £3 million of research funding, supporting projects in sociology, education, anthropology and geography, which examined prosocial as well as troubling aspects of religious faith. Psychology barely features among the funded projects, perhaps because psychology of religion has such a low public profile in Britain. (There is a promising psychological literature on religious fundamentalism and the separate phenomenon of religious violence, but it is largely American; see, for instance Ginges et al., 2009; Hood et al., 2005; Jones, 2008).

 

What of religious emotion? This seems increasingly identified with the phenomenon of ‘spirituality’. Spirituality is often contrasted with religion (e.g. Koenig et al., 2001), with the former usually thought to be more individualist than collectivist; more emotion-focused than practice-focused; more inwardly than outwardly directed; more informal than highly structured, with self-actualisation more important than sacrificial demands and duties; and more anti-authoritarian than religion is.

 

All the great faith traditions incorporate spiritual practises aimed at feeding the inner life, and many find this separation of spirituality from religion objectionable (Pargament, 1999). On the other hand people in Western society are developing a well-documented tendency to describe themselves as ‘spiritual-but-not-religious.’ Results of a recent cross-cultural study indicate that 40 per cent of American respondents and 20 per cent of German respondents fall into this group, which includes atheists (Csof et al., 2009). This seems to be a postmodern phenomenon involving the privatisation and individualisation of certain aspects of religion, particularly altered states of consciousness. These are valued as means of enabling self-transcendence and supporting personal growth.

 

Psychologists are no exceptions to this social trend. As a group we are famed for our low levels of religious beliefs and affiliation (Ecklund & Scheitle, 2007). Yet in recent years there has been an explosion of our interest in meditation techniques, particularly ‘mindfulness’, as a therapeutic resource, to the extent that it is beginning to feel somewhat like a panacea. In 1997 the creation of the Consciousness and Experiential Psychology Section of the British Psychological Society established a home for the growing numbers of psychologists interested in the ‘inner life’ aspects of human spirituality.

 

In 2002, at the time Argyle was surveying the field of psychology of religion, the first meeting of the European Network of Positive Psychology was taking place at Winchester, rapidly followed by a special issue of The Psychologist devoted to this emerging area, which has since grown exponentially. Positive psychology has an extremely close relationship with the psychology of religion and spirituality, for both are concerned with personal growth and meaning. As if to demonstrate this, Argyle himself had an interest in both areas, publishing his book The Psychology of Happiness in 1986, long before the term ‘positive psychology’ was coined.

 

Positive psychology, which is influenced by Aristotelian ethics, concentrates on those aspects of human behaviour that are thought to contribute to personal and community flourishing. These are conceived of as universal character strengths or habits, such as integrity, forgiveness, kindness and gratitude (Peterson, 2006). Crucially, these character strengths were originally identified with reference to the virtues espoused by the great faith traditions of the world. Positive psychology talks of these faith traditions with respect, but essentially understands them as womb-like receptacles that have housed and nurtured character strengths, and may now be ready to give them up to the world. Positive psychology thus has a definite ‘spiritual-but-not religious’ feel.

 

As a psychologist interested in both religion and spirituality, I have very much welcomed the increasing recognition of the importance of consciousness in British psychology and the worldwide development of positive psychology. However, I have also wondered if the focus on spiritualities shorn of their religious roots does not pose a danger to the life of these very spiritualities. A wild rose that works in the chaos of a thorny hedgerow may wilt when plucked and put in a vase on the mantelpiece. The solution then is to breed the sort of rose that will survive in the new environment, preferably without thorns – to turn the rose into a user-friendly commodity. This new specimen is perhaps still recognisably a rose, but much has been lost in the process.

 

This is a theme that I was able to explore at more length when delivering the inaugural Michael Argyle Public Lecture on Psychology and Religion in Oxford in 2008. The lecture came at the end of a one-day conference for British psychologists working in the areas of religion and religious spirituality. Following on from a first meeting in 2006, a ‘Psychology and Religion UK’ network had been set up, and it was clear that much exciting work is taking place in the areas of research, teaching and practice, some of it showcased in the articles in this special issue of The Psychologist. Nevertheless the group identified some considerable challenges:

 

- Credibility: Psychologists who work in the area of religion feel that this area is not always taken seriously by their psychological colleagues.

- Centrality: Religion is often treated as a peripheral specialist area of interest that is not central to human life.

- Trustworthiness: Psychologists who study religion may be suspected of having a hidden agenda of trying to make converts.

- Religious diversity: Despite some recent advances, much more work needs to be done with non-Christian faith traditions.

- Identity: The majority of academic psychologists who study religion are employed in university religious studies of theology departments. These psychologists have to work hard to connect with ‘mainstream’ psychology.

- Career advancement: Obtaining funding for psychological projects related to religion is extremely challenging. There are very few academic posts available, and choosing to do a psychology PhD

on religion is perceived as risky.

- Methodological and conceptual conservatism: Postmodern perspectives have yet to be fully exploited in the psychological study of religion.

 

None of these challenges was seen as insuperable. Indeed, their identification has provided a useful agenda for the further development of the psychological study of religion in Britain. As part of this, closer links with the related-but-distinct enterprises of positive psychology and consciousness studies are to be encouraged.

 

As might be expected in a more religious culture, the situation in the USA is rather different from that in Britain. The APA Division 36 ‘Psychology of religion’ has been established for over 30 years. This may in part be attributable to the fact that the founding father of modern American mainstream psychology, William James, had an intellectual fascination with religion, while remaining personally agnostic. His systematic studies are described in the Gifford Lectures of 1901–02, written up as The Varieties of Religious Experience. In this highly readable book James identifies with amazing prescience the questions that still exercise psychologists who study religion today:

 

- What is the relationship between institutionalised religion and personal spirituality?

- What is the difference between functional religion and dysfunctional religion (what James calls the ‘healthy minded’ and the ‘sick soul’)?

- How can empirical psychologists avoid philosophical reductionism (what James calls ‘medical materialism’) in their study of religion?

- Is religion an area of human behaviour just like any other that can be studied with the usual methods and theories, or does it require a special approach?

- Should we be talking about universal religion or local religions or both?

 

As I struggle with these compelling issues in my work, my answer to the question ‘Why study religion?’ becomes clear: because it’s relevant to urgent questions facing society; because without it we have an impoverished understanding of human spirituality; but most of all, like Mount Everest, simply because it’s there.

 

Joanna Collicutt is at Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford, and Heythrop College, University of London [email protected]

 

References

Argyle, M. (1986). The psychology of happiness. London: Methuen.

Csof, R-M., Hood, R., Keller, B. et al. (2009). Deconversion. Goettingen: Vandenhoech & Ruprecht.

Dawkins, R. (2006). The god delusion. London: Bantam Press.

Ecklund, E. & Scheitle, C. (2007). Religion among academic scientists. Social Problems, 54, 289–307.

Ginges, J., Hansen, I. & Norenzayan, A. (2009). Religion and support for suicide attacks. Psychological Science, 20, 224–230.

Hood, R., Hill, P. & Williamson, P. (2005). The psychology of religious fundamentalism. New York: Guilford.

James, W. (1983). The varieties of religious experience. London: Penguin. (Original work published 1902)

Jones, J. (2008). Blood that cries out from the earth: The psychology of religious terrorism. New York: Oxford University Press.

Koenig, H., McCullough, M. & Larson, D. (2001). Handbook of religion and health. New York: Oxford University Press.

Pargament, K. (1999). The psychology of religion and spirituality? Yes and no. International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 9, 3–16.

Peterson, C. (2006). The values in action classification of character strengths. In M. Csikszentmihalyi & I. Selga Csikzentmihalyi (Eds.) A life worth living: Contributions to positive psychology (pp.29–48). New York: Oxford University Press.

Wolf, G. (2006). The church of the non-believers. Wired (November). Retrieved 14 June 2010 from http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/14.11/atheism_pr.html

[benign]

Πολυ ωραιο νημα,μπραβο κ.Τοξοβολε.(Να μπει και κατι ποιοτικο που μας ενημερωνει για ουσιαστικα θεματα.) Δεν προλαβα να το διαβασω ολο μεχρι τωρα αλλα αργοτερα το βραδυ σιγουρα.Keep the intriguing articles coming.